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davesearles
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Posted:
16 May 2008 08:57 pm Post subject: Reform and
Revolution
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Continued from recent additions topic
DAS:
They opened up their little red prayerbook took out
a verse and statred a whole new denomination on the single line - much
like the weathermen took the line "you don't need a weatherman to
tell which way the wind blows" and based a movement upon it. That and
the little fucking dog.
ML
What little dog? Was that a reference to the Wizard
of Oz dialogue? Witch: "And your little dog, too!"
DAS
You know, that little fucking poodle that has been
(analogy alert) an albatros around the the SLP's neck for the last
hundred years.
ML
Is it mainly the embassassingly silly story of the
poodle that you dislike the most, or is it you think it led the party
astray in its strategy of distinguishing between reforms and revolution?
DAS:
As I wrote before on analogies they became a
substitute for thought.
What is the SLP position on Women's suffrage?
Well think about taking a little poodle into getting
a beauty treatment - that's the party's position on woman's suffrage.
Lynching blacks in the south?
Protesting that would be just like taking a little
dog to the parlor, wouldn't it?
End Jim Crow?
The little dog in a parlor.
Interment of the Japaneese?
The little dog in a parlor .
Vietnam war?
The little dog in a parlor.
What would we do if we won a municipal election?
The little dog in a parlor.
End polution?
The little dog in a parlor.
Disabled kids being denied appropriate meaningful
eduction?
The little dog in a parlor.
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mikelepore
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Posted:
17 May 2008 01:06 am Post subject:
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I don't think your description is quite right, for two
reasons.
(1) The party always belittled a
less-than-revolutionary political demand with the term
"reformism" if the demand includes and relies on capitalism
being continued. A proposal to raise the minimum wage includes the
assumption that there will exist something called a wage, and so it
assumes capitalism being continued, and therefore it's a reform. Women's
suffrage wasn't a reform of capitalism because it doesn't include the
assumption that capitalism must be continued; that is, in the socialist
future men and women will have the identical right to vote. The demand
for a law to prohibit corporations from polluting logically inlcudes
recognition of the continued existence of corporations, so that's a
reform. Civil rights demands don't make any such assumption; that is, in
the socialist society of the future we will still need codifications of
civil rights.
(2) I don't recall De Leon ever mentioning the
poodle as the actual argument against a particular reform. In
"Reform or Revolution" he used the poodle in a parable about a
social system being like a species in biology, so going from
invertebrates to vertebrates is like revolution, but giving the dog a
haircut is like reform. The other place he mentions the doggie, the
editorial named "Trimming the Poodle", he mentions the poodle
regarding the "growing tendency to confuse Socialism with reform of
one sort or another." These references are point about historical processes
and mental processes. They're not intended to constitute arguments
against particular reforms. He's not saying don't pass that law to
improve the educational system or the transportation system because of
this argument, the poodle. He's using the poodle to contrast the
different attitudes that revolutionists and reformers have. De Leon was
just trying to be cute with an alternative way of saying "stop
limiting yourself to the little stuff, and get into the habit of going
for the big stuff." Your post made it sound as though the poodle was
being offered as the actual line of reasoning against the wisdom of
certain bills before Congress.
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davesearles
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Posted:
17 May 2008 11:57 am Post subject:
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ML:
A proposal to raise the minimum wage includes the
assumption that there will exist something called a wage, and so it
assumes capitalism being continued, and therefore it's a reform.
DAS:
But demanding a wage increase via the union?
The state telling the employers thay have to
incease the wage and impve work conditions - we opposed that. Brilliant
strategy.
ML:
I don't recall De Leon ever mentioning the poodle
as the actual argument against a particular reform. In "Reform or
Revolution" he used the poodle in a parable about a social system
being like a species in biology, so going from invertebrates to
vertebrates is like revolution, but giving the dog a haircut is like
reform. The other place he mentions the doggie, the editorial named
"Trimming the Poodle", he mentions the poodle regarding the
"growing tendency to confuse Socialism with reform of one sort or
another." These references are point about historical processes and
mental processes. They're not intended to constitute arguments against particular
reforms.
DAS:
Look at his editorial on women's suffrage. How does
he justify the SLP refusing on the high moral ground to refuse to adopt a
statement that it ought to be granted? Was the poodle mentioned? It
didn't have to be. What evidence is there the the SLP ever tried to come
up with a more cogent policy on determing whether to put its name to any
demand that wasn't composed wholly of the the end of the state and the
institution of the SIU? We were demading in the name of labor something that
labor wasn't demanding.
I think a lot of this had to do with it groping to
preserve its percieved identity as being the "political party of
labor". We were not. We had no revolutionary mandate, yet we acted
as we did.
more later
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mikelepore
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Posted:
17 May 2008 03:47 pm Post subject:
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davesearles wrote:
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The state
telling the employers thay have to incease the wage and impve work
conditions - we opposed that. Brilliant strategy.
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The party never opposed increasing the minimum wage
or improvin working conditions. What it opposed was offering the
suggestion to increase the minimum wage or improve working conditions
when you were just asked, "What is the goal of socialists?" The
answer to that question, "What is the goal of socialists",
should be about a new system, socialism.
The reformers, including the SP, CP, SWP, etc.,
when asked what their goal is, have always replied that they wanted
modified capitalism. The reformers tack on an as-vague-as-possible
statement about someday not having capitalism anymore, the same kind of
"someday" as when we say that someday starships will travel to
other planets, but certainly not on the present agenda. Don't you see the
difference?
The platform of a political party is a chance to
tell people what you want, so what you're supposed to do with that
opportunity is just that, to tell them what you want. You're not supposed
to tell them: we're pragmatially supporting what we don't want, because
it's would be better than nothing, realizing that what we honestly want
is out of the question. (As the entire "left" does.)
Also, consider: Some reformists seem to think that
making a demand less-than-revolutionary makes it easier to implement, so
instead of saying "get rid of the wage system" they demand that
the minimum wage be doubled or tripled or quadrupled. What I'm going to
say next seems glaringly obvious to me, but somehow the entire political
left fails to see it. Their assumption that the little reform would be
easier to win than the system-sized change is incorrect. you can't even
implement a little reform unless you have majority control. What
political influence would the SP or CP or SWP need in order to implement
even the smallest of its reform ideas? It would need 51 percent control
in both houses of Congress. But if it did get to the point of having
majority control, why then bother to enact the smallest goals instead of
the big one?
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mikelepore
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Posted:
17 May 2008 04:04 pm Post subject:
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davesearles wrote:
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Look at his
editorial on women's suffrage. How does he justify the SLP refusing on
the high moral ground to refuse to adopt a statement that it ought to
be granted?
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I don't know of an editorial by that name -- do you
mean his long speech-pamphlet? Instead of me having the time to read the
whole thing right now -- are you discounting the possibility that it may
have been a theoretical deficiency in 1909, which the SLP may have later
fixed? Certainly the SLP in the 1970s-1980s wrote supportingly of the
proposed women's Equal Rights Amendment, with the mandatory "but
it's not enough" always appended.
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mikelepore
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Posted:
17 May 2008 04:26 pm Post subject:
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davesearles wrote:
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What evidence
is there the the SLP ever tried to come up with a more cogent policy on
determing whether to put its name to any demand that wasn't composed
wholly of the the end of the state and the institution of the SIU?
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It's true that there were not clear definitions.
The mode of communication is one thing. The party
has always spoken of "internal" changes and
"external" changes in a way that only means something to those
who are already convinced. I thought the SLP was was clear until your
campaign against metaphors and analogies got me to see a problem there.
When the SLP defines one metaphor in terms of another metaphor,
"internal" and "external" in terms of "trimming
the poodle", which has to do with "the steam" from a
locomotive", etc., people who don't already get the point hear only
gibberish.
But it's not only the mode of communication.
There's also the lack of definition, the absense of a general rule that
can be enunciated. For example, it's left unclear that the party means
when it advises people to "resist encroachments", to be
"against" certain things but to be "for" their opposite
things. We're told to "resist cutbacks", "fight" the
"reactionary" "backsliding" that takes makes things
"worse", but how? Why is it okay to call for defeat of a bad
bill but not okay to call for passage of a better one?
The party seems to have noticed a problem there and
tried occasionally to address it when editorials were written urging
binary "yes" or "no" judgements about politicla
measures. (See the three three examples that I headlined as "yes/no
votes urged" at http://www.deleonism.org/people.htm#yes-no ) However, the general
formula is unclear.
But that fault is as old as socialist thought. Marx
didn't define his general methods either, or even his vocabulary words.
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mikelepore
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Posted:
17 May 2008 04:39 pm Post subject:
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I'm not even sure what "support" and
"opposition" mean at all, when an organization doesn't have
political power yet. What exactly does it mean to say "I support
women's suffrage"? Does it mean: I intend to vote for the Democrat
or the Republican whom if elected, will vote in Congress for what Im for,
and vote against what I'm against? Not in the SLP's case, since SLP
members would never vote for any advocate of capitalism. Does it mean:
send letters to the members of Congress and persuade them to vote yes or
no on certian bills? But, if so, what effectiveness can their be in writing
to members of Congress, if you're simultaneously advertising that you
wouldn't vote to reelect that member of Congress no matter what they do?
It's not clear to me that the whole categories of thought,
"support" and "oppose" and "demand" are
applicable to socialists. If they mean somethng to anyone, the user of
the term needs to define what it consists of.
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The Greenman
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Posted:
17 May 2008 07:57 pm Post subject:
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Dave wrote:
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Quote:
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But demanding
a wage increase via the union?
The state telling the employers they have to increase the wage and
improve work conditions - we opposed that. Brilliant strategy.
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I hope this is open for everyone. Dave makes a good
point. I am not worried so much about the SLP but the idea that through a
union we can demand increases in wages and benefits but we should frown
on those who make political demands of the government to improve the
welfare of the working class, disabled, homeless, and those who lost
employment. The demands on the employer does not stop him/her/them from
being capitalist nor does those demands transfer ownership of the factory
to the workers. Nor does it make anyone think along those lines. The IWW
is making a political demand for a four hour workday. How is that going
to cause workers to make a political demand for public ownership of
production?
Frankly, all socialist organizations think of
workers public ownership of production as something far in the future
when warp drive and replicators come to exist. In other words they really
don't know where to start except to say that it might exist as
cooperatives, workers councils and nationalization of certain industries.
Another thing is that socialist are divided into various idealogical
camps. The Leninist would just shoot or make slave laborers out of all of
us.
The population thinks those who own businesses as
being highly successful people and that private ownership is a prized
possession guaranteed by the Constitution. How many times was Marx
mentioned that the metal production of the population is something the
ruling class has control over? What can we do but make political demands
until all the socialist decide they need to form those industrial unions
into a "united" economic organization which would struggle with
the capitalist economically and politically until public ownership is
accomplished with the Constitutional Amendment.
John T.
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mikelepore
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Posted:
17 May 2008 09:37 pm Post subject:
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The Greenman wrote:
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I am not
worried so much about the SLP but the idea that through a union we can
demand increases in wages and benefits but we should frown on those who
make political demands of the government to improve the welfare of the
working class, disabled, homeless, and those who lost employment.
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I don't get your syntax. Does that mean you're for
or against those political demands?
I don't frown on such political reforms, or the
demands for those reforms. I frown on having the demands for those
reforms being expressed in the very few available places where the
socialist message might be heard instead.
Suppose there was only one place that anyone could
go to learn arithmetic, then that would make it more of a loss if that
one facility decided to talk about anything besides arithmetic.
Similarly, socialist education is such a rarity that it can't afford to
talk about anything else but socialism.
We have only very occasional chances here and there
to reach a person with the socialist message. That person you might hand
a socialist leaflet to on the street will probably never see another
socialist leaflet again. So why dilute that opportunity in favor of
reaching the person with a message that he or she will later hear a
thousand times somewhere else?
There are so few socialists, to speak about
socialism. Let's suppose there are 10,000 socialists in the U.S., and
100,000,000 liberals. Now let's look at that ratio. For every one
socialist there are ten thousand liberals. With that kind of demographic,
every time a socialist decides to use his or her valuable time to promote
the liberal cause instead of the socialist cause, the liberal cause gains
only the slightest drop in the bucket, while the socialist cause is
significantly depleted.
After all that is said, it's the individual's own
time, to spend any way one chooses. If the individual want to promote
reforms, that is a personal right, an inalienable right, and no one has
to answer to anyone else for that choice. But I suggest - do it as an
individual. One can join a reform-based coalition, do volunteer work for
them, contribute money to them, and carry signs in their parades. A
person could even join a socialist political party and a reformist
political party at the same time, work for one on mondays and wednesdays,
and work for the other one on tuesdays and thursdays. All that is fine by
me. But I implore that the socialist organization's written program
should be the one place in the world reserved for no other message
besides the creation of a wholely new system.
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davesearles
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Posted:
17 May 2008 09:50 pm Post subject:
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I specifically recall the New York State Committee,
and it may have been the New York State Convention OPPOSING the New York
State version of the Equal Rights Amamendmenet for the NY State
Constitution.
When the national ERA was killed the WP had an
article statng that reaction had killed the amamednment, bit not once did
the SLP sigh a breath of support for it.
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mikelepore
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Posted:
17 May 2008 09:55 pm Post subject:
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Dave, while you were typing your last post, I was
re-editing my last paragraph in the post directly above yours. Look again
please. About the difference between an individual giving support and
inclusion of support in a written program. Comments?
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davesearles
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Posted:
17 May 2008 09:56 pm Post subject:
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In the editorial: Is recall a reform:
in America, the vast majority of economic reforms
that theoretically concern the proletariat, would, at best, only tend to
make capitalism bearable. At best they are narcotics, or messes of
pottage. For all these reasons, the SLP excludes such reforms from its
platform; and, when the reforms are preached from the capitalist stump,
the SLP unrolls the scroll of the immediate past, to warn the proletariat
against the lure. It would take less time to overthrow the capitalist
system than to capture enough wheels in the mechanism of the political
state to secure the passage by legislatures, the signing by executives
and the approval by judiciaries, of petty reforms which leave the tiger
of capitalism alive.
With the posture of the SLP towards economic reform
as its background, the SLP's posture towards the recall and some other
political reforms, such as woman suffrage, may stand out all the clearer.
Whereas, not one of the stingy economic reforms but
would become ridiculous, through being trifling, the recall, woman
suffrage, statewide primaries, etc., will, together with the suffrage of
which they are manifestations, preserve their vital importance in the
socialist or industrial republic. Whereas, the conditions under which
work will be done in the industrial republic will be a denial of the
"rights of the capitalist class," and of the theory of
compromise between capital and labor, which are at the base of
"labor legislation," all the more vital will be the recall, as
well the statewide, then become the industrialwide primaries, along with
a suffrage emancipated from sex restrictions.
The suffrage is one of the conquests of progress
wrung by the bourgeois revolution from feudalism. Repeatedly has the
point been emphasized in these columns that socialism is not merely the
carrier of advanced principles of progress, it is also the safeguarder of
the progress made through previous revolutions. Accordingly, SLP
literature takes a decided stand in favor of the recall and statewide
primaries, the same as it does in favor of woman suffrage, always,
however, warning against the error of expecting automatic consequences
from them, or from any other manifestation of the suffrage.
Why, then, does not the SLP insert the recall in
its platform? For the same reason that it does not insert woman
suffrage-that is, for the reason that, in advocating either, the SLP
appreciates the need of warning against false expectations concerning
them.
DAS:
WHAT KIND OF PHONY AND PATERNALISTIC CRAP IS THIS
???
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mikelepore
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Posted:
17 May 2008 09:58 pm Post subject:
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I didn't know the New York State SLP did that. I'll
bet it was that same crowd that resigned from the party in 1977 or
whenever it was. They thought everything was reformist, even after the
national party had gotten past that old-time thinking.
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mikelepore
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Posted:
17 May 2008 10:07 pm Post subject:
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davesearles wrote:
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WHAT KIND OF
PHONY AND PATERNALISTIC CRAP IS THIS ???
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Your right, what they gave as a reason is stupid
reason. I don't know about being paternalistic, but they gave a stupid
reason.
A platform isn't like a bumper sticker or a picket
sign, where a party can afford to use only a limited number of words. A platform
can address suffrage and civil rights issues, and then add whatever is
necessary about let's not expect them to be cure-alls as long as class
division still exists.
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The Greenman
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Posted:
18 May 2008 02:28 am Post subject:
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Mike wrote:
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I don't get
your syntax. Does that mean you're for or against those political
demands?
I don't frown on such political reforms, or the demands for those
reforms. I frown on having the demands for those reforms being
expressed in the very few available places where the socialist message
might be heard instead.
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It does not matter whether or not I am for
political demands for reforms. Also, I was not saying you were frowning
on political reforms. The idea that within a union people can
collectively bargain for wages and benefits from an employer but
socialist should not demand national health care or anything else to
alleviate human suffering. Gas prices are coming up to $4.00 a gallon and
people are still fawning over how to become a capitalist or rich through
the lottery.
The socialist message differs from one group to
another. The mechanics of public ownership of production is virtually non
existent except for the critique of capitalism. Critiquing capitalism is
pretty much what socialist do these days and from those critiques they
make political demands on capitalism. Outside of the SLP there is very
little information on workers controlling the means of production or how
to achieve that end. Perhaps this is why "reforming till we have
socialism" is being done. There is no agreement on what workers
ownership is.
DSA wrote:
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Vision of a
Socialist Economy:
The operation of a democratic socialist economy is the subject of
continuing debate within DSA. First it must mirror democratic
socialism's commitment to institutional and social pluralism.
Democratic, representative control over fiscal, monetary, and trade
policy would enable citizens to have a voice in setting the basic
framework of economic policy--what social investment is needed, who
should own or control basic industries, and how they might be governed.
While broad investment decisions and fiscal and monetary policies are
best made by democratic processes, many argue that the market best
coordinates supply with demand for goods, services,and labor. Regulated
markets can guarantee efficiency, consumer choice and labor mobility.
However, democratic socialists recognize that market mechanisms do
generate inequalities of wealth and income. But, the social ownership
characteristic of a socialist society will greatly limit inequality. In
fact, widespread worker and public ownership will greatly lessen the
corrosive effect of capitalists markets on people's lives. Social need
will outrank narrow profitability as the measure of success for our
economic life.
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As you can see they don't lay a foundation but
instead hint at what sort of social ownership to implement and the same
can be said of the Socialist Party USA. I have no idea what they mean by
"institutional and social pluralism."
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mikelepore
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Posted:
18 May 2008 05:56 am Post subject:
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The Greenman wrote:
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The idea that
within a union people can collectively bargain for wages and benefits
from an employer but socialist should not demand national health care
or anything else to alleviate human suffering.
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JT ... Sorry but I still don't understand when you
word it that way -- "the idea that" ... "socialists should
not" -- because it's not a complete sentence. Are you saying
socialists should not, or are you referring to the claim made by others
that socialists should not?
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davesearles
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Posted:
18 May 2008 12:05 pm Post subject:
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davesearles wrote:
WHAT KIND OF PHONY AND PATERNALISTIC CRAP IS THIS
???
ML:
Your right, what they gave as a reason is stupid
reason. I don't know about being paternalistic, but they gave a stupid
reason.
A platform isn't like a bumper sticker or a picket
sign, where a party can afford to use only a limited number of words. A
platform can address suffrage and civil rights issues, and then add
whatever is necessary about let's not expect them to be cure-alls as long
as class division still exists.
DAS:
Not to blow our own horn, but the campiagn leaflet
for Nate's Ellenville mayoral race I belive was a good demonstration of
this.
We have to stop looking at whther this is reform or
that is not and look at our whole message. Of course the devil is in the
details. But that's just it - they are in the details and not in a single
phrase.
You have been elected to congress and a minimum
wage bill comes up for a vote. Are you going to vote against it or for it
or abstain?
This is politics - and perhaps we were wrong to
have ever been a "party" as opposed to a purely educational
group that from time to time would run or have a candidate run.
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The Greenman
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Posted:
18 May 2008 02:16 pm Post subject:
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Mike wrote:
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Quote:
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JT ... Sorry
but I still don't understand when you word it that way -- "the
idea that" ... "socialists should not" -- because it's
not a complete sentence. Are you saying socialists should not, or are
you referring to the claim made by others that socialists should not?
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I am referring to the claim that socialist should
not make those political demands for national health care or any other
political demand that alleviates the suffering of workers, the disabled,
et al. Sorry to confuse you.
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mikelepore
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Posted:
19 May 2008 05:30 am Post subject:
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davesearles wrote:
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You have been
elected to congress and a minimum wage bill comes up for a vote. Are
you going to vote against it or for it or abstain?
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The right thing to do? Make a half-hour speech
about the necessity to change the whole social system, and then vote to raise
the minimum wage.
But the reformist "socialists" make their
entire speech about how great life would be if only we could raise the
minimum wage, and a hundred other chiropractic adjustments to capitalism
-- and then, just before leaving the podium, they append, "Oh, yeah,
by the way, we're also for socialism. Bye."
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mikelepore
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Posted:
19 May 2008 06:04 am Post subject:
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The Greenman wrote:
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The socialist
message differs from one group to another. The mechanics of public
ownership of production is virtually non existent except for the
critique of capitalism. Critiquing capitalism is pretty much what
socialist do these days and from those critiques they make political
demands on capitalism. Outside of the SLP there is very little
information on workers controlling the means of production or how to
achieve that end. Perhaps this is why "reforming till we have
socialism" is being done. There is no agreement on what workers
ownership is.
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If I correctly understand what the Leninist left as
well as the Debsian left are trying to do, they believe that demanding
reforms is the way to get the working class "mobilized", get
everyone off their butts and in the fightin' mood. I just have a different
opinion about how psychology works. IMO, if people present a reform
demand and they WIN it, they tend to go away saying, "wow, this
proves that the system really works, things are getting better all the
time" -- they go away being more conservative. On the other hand, if
they present a demand and they DON'T win it, they go away saying,
"the world will never change, this is fate, it's human nature"
-- they go away being more conservative. Either way, if people go through
a phase in which they make demands of the political leaders that they
give us improvements, win or lose, people tend to get more conservative
as they get older.
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davesearles
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Posted:
19 May 2008 01:38 pm Post subject:
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ML:
The right thing to do? Make a half-hour speech
about the necessity to change the whole social system, and then vote to
raise the minimum wage.
But the reformist "socialists" make their
entire speech about how great life would be if only we could raise the
minimum wage, and a hundred other chiropractic adjustments to capitalism
--
DAS:
So it's all in the presentation. I agree.
Too bad the SLP could never have come up with that.
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davesearles
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Posted:
19 May 2008 01:58 pm Post subject:
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win or lose, people tend to get more conservative as
they get older.
"It's not time to make a change
Just relax, take it easy
You're still young, that's your fault
There's so much you have to know
Find a girl, settle down
If you want you can marry
Look at me, I am old, but I'm happy
"I was once like you are now
And I know that it's not easy
To be calm when you've found
Something going on
But take your time, think a lot
Think of everything you've got
For you will still be here tomorrow
But your dreams may not"
Do you think that I am more conservative now than
40 years ago?
I don't think that you are a bit.
Slightly more practical, perhaps.
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The Greenman
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Posted:
19 May 2008 02:14 pm Post subject:
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Mike wrote:
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Quote:
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If I correctly
understand what the Leninist left as well as the Debsian left are
trying to do, they believe that demanding reforms is the way to get the
working class "mobilized", get everyone off their butts and
in the fightin' mood. I just have a different opinion about how
psychology works. IMO, if people present a reform demand and they WIN
it, they tend to go away saying, "wow, this proves that the system
really works, things are getting better all the time" -- they go
away being more conservative. On the other hand, if they present a
demand and they DON'T win it, they go away saying, "the world will
never change, this is fate, it's human nature" -- they go away
being more conservative. Either way, if people go through a phase in
which they make demands of the political leaders that they give us
improvements, win or lose, people tend to get more conservative as they
get older.
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What you wrote is very true. When I was active
years ago for single-payer health care I never once thought of it as
being a socialist concept. The idea was to take health care insurance
away from for profit insurance companies and place every single American
under one giant risk pool. The bigger the pool the cheaper it would get
for each individual and family. Companies and corporation would pay a far
lower rate when it comes to premiums and I think there was some sort of
tax idea that would generate more money. Medicaid and Medicare were to be
absorbed into the system. Since no profits were to be made most of the
money would go for health care and something like one or two percent
would cover administration cost. Private ownership of Hospitals and those
in private practice were to continue with no interference. Single-Payer
does not cause people to turn to socialism. It would just reinforce the
belief in the capitalist system. I still think it is a great idea to
cover everyone under one big health insurance umbrella just to alleviate
people's suffering and give them quality health care.
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mikelepore
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Posted:
19 May 2008 03:34 pm Post subject:
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The Greenman wrote:
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I still think
it is a great idea to cover everyone under one big health insurance
umbrella just to alleviate people's suffering and give them quality
health care.
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I do too. And (assuming we're talking about the
present economic system, not a future system) I think everywhere is the
proper time and place to say so, except for just one. When explaining to
people who socialists are and what their goal and strategy is, it
shouldn't be said on that occasion. Every other time and place is good to
do it.
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mikelepore
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Posted:
19 May 2008 03:48 pm Post subject:
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davesearles wrote:
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So it's all in
the presentation. I agree.
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Not ALL in the presentation. I only answer what you
asked about, what if a bill if already on the floor of Congress, how
should a socialist vote.
I think a socialist shouldn't *introduce* the bill
to raise the minimum wage. The socialist should keep introducing bills to
transfer ownership of the industries to the workers, and, as fast as the
Congress allows those bills to "die in committee", just keep on
introducing them, so that it becomes "a national scandal".
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Quote:
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Too bad the
SLP could never have come up with that
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In part they did. You've read the SLP pamphlet
"A Socialist in Congress: His Conduct and Responsibilities". It
was partly about yelling at Victor Berger for introducing reformist
bills, but at least half of it was about yelling at Berger failing to
make certain speeches when he given the opportunity to do so.
(It's even more true today. A hundred years ago,
when a member of Congress made a speech it only got remembered by others
as pages 57,284 through 57,289 inserted into the Congressional Record,
but today it's televised on C-SPAN.)
But the SLP errs in that they don't simply say:
"If our candidates get elected, they will vote for these bills,
which are better than nothing, but that's not what we're really after.
What we really advocate is ...."
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davesearles
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Posted:
19 May 2008 08:36 pm Post subject:
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Can you put that pamphlet up on line?
Do you remember that guy Harry Lopes something
whose wife was a nice of Aaron Orage or or Ruth, I can't recall.
I asked him of he wanted the pmlets and booklets
that hasd belonged to Aaron and his brother Ben who Harry didn't even
know about (because Ben was expelled) He said yes so I sent him the books
to the address he gave me. Not even a note of thanks or even that he got
them. Maybe his wife shit canned them before he could get exposed to the
virus.
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mikelepore
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Posted:
19 May 2008 09:44 pm Post subject:
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I once had a copy of that pamphlet and someday I may
find it.
Seems that the SLP didn't release an online
version. I just looked at their site.
Original title from the beginning of the 20th
century, "Berger's Hit and Misses". Later editions given a new
title, "A Socialist in Congress -- His Conduct and
Responsibilities."
---
Did I hear you right -- the parents didn't let a
kid know that he has an Uncle Ben because Ben had been expelled?!? I'm
hoping that I misunderstood!
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davesearles
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Posted:
20 May 2008 03:47 am Post subject:
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No Lope's wife was related to Ruth, to Aaron by
marriage, I think, but Harry Lopes became friendly with Aaron. But Aaron
had a brother Ben who had been expelled. I was very close to Aaron, Aaron
never mentioned a word of him to me so it is understandable that Harry
didn't know either. I only knew because Nat told me.
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mikelepore
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Posted:
20 May 2008 04:15 am Post subject:
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Did Aaron say anything to you at the time the bunch of
Section New York people resigned simultaneously (1977?) -- like, what
were they thinking?
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The Greenman
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Posted:
20 May 2008 10:41 am Post subject:
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Mike wrote:
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Quote:
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I do too. And
(assuming we're talking about the present economic system, not a future
system) I think everywhere is the proper time and place to say so,
except for just one. When explaining to people who socialists are and
what their goal and strategy is, it shouldn't be said on that occasion.
Every other time and place is good to do it.
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Yes, the present system. I do agree that talking
national health insurance socialism is not to be mentioned. Political
demands on capitalism should be done to alleviate people's suffering
under the system. Socialism is about the people forming into SIUs, united
into a large economic organization, to take over production and
distribution from the capitalist. What ever political demands to be made
are not to be done under the name of socialism.
National health insurance basically is only a
threat to the "for profit" health insurance industry but in no
way shape or form do away with capitalism or a threat to capitalism in
general. It would actually reinforce the belief in capitalism as you
wrote. Like I said before when I was an active advocate for single-payer
and socialism never came to mind. It is when the opposition started
calling it a communist program is when I started my journey toward
learning about socialism. The opposition is very ignorant when it comes
to socialism because reforming to preserve capitalism is what
single-payer was about.
I've never seen gas prices this high before and
those at work wonder if their performance at work would continue the
profitability of the stores. If people understand that profits have to be
made for the owner then why can't it be "plainly" explained
that socialism is workers organized into economic "not for
profit" organizations and getting the full value from their work and
meeting the needs of the entire population one SIU at a time.
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davesearles
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Posted:
20 May 2008 01:07 pm Post subject:
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ML:
Did Aaron say anything to you at the time the bunch
of Section New York people resigned simultaneously (1977?) -- like, what
were they thinking?
DAS:
I had been on 6 months suspension and the meeting
that I returned to section NY was the meeting at which they all resigned.
But from what I could gather and this is almost totally my based surmise
- is that the national office moving to california took them out of the
loop as to controlling the entire party. I don't know if it was any
particular issue that led to the resignations - they all came in with
their single line statements that they no longer agreed with the
principles of the SLP and they were out. (Bernie Reitzes postured that
that was the only acceptable reason to request to be dismissed as a member
without creating a cause to be expelled instead.)
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davesearles
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Posted:
20 May 2008 01:14 pm Post subject:
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JT:
Yes, the present system. I do agree that talking
national health insurance socialism is not to be mentioned. Political
demands on capitalism should be done to alleviate people's suffering
under the system. Socialism is about the people forming into SIUs, united
into a large economic organization, to take over production and
distribution from the capitalist. What ever political demands to be made
are not to be done under the name of socialism.
DAS:
You always have to watch out that you are not
proposing something to prop up the system that you would be willing to
support the rest of caitalism to get.
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mikelepore
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Posted:
20 May 2008 04:58 pm Post subject:
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Speaking of reforms, and this is on my mind because
last night I watched the documentary about FDR on PBS -- I am incredulous
about how Medicaid is handled. Even I didn't think that FDR's reformed
capitalism was this heartless.
Both of my parents spent their final days in a
nursing home because they needed 24-hour-a-day nurses. Modern medical
advances are able to add a few years to a person's life, but not
necessarily improve the quality of those additional years, so you are
given a bed, and three shifts of nurses to medicate you every ten
minutes, and this is your miraculous life extension. That costs about
$400+ per person per day. Where you gonna get that kind of money? Well, a
volunteer in the family does about a hundred hours of paperwork for a
Medicaid case worker, and attends about twenty interviews with the case
worker, and then you get approval for Medicaid to pay for the nursing
home. When do they start paying? Just as soon as the patient's total
worldly assets have been confirmed to be zero. And don't try to hide your
assets by transfering them to a family member, because the agency goes
back for years in the records and tracks all that. If they see any
"questionable" bank withdrawals in recent years, then the
application for Medicaid will be denied, and the nursing home staff will
wheel the patient out to the curb and say goodbye. After the computer
detects that you gave your very last penny to the nursing home, the
period of Medicaid coverage begins the next morning.
After the patient dies, now it's time to read the
will and close the estate. Medicaid goes in there as a debtor, claiming
that the estate owes the Medicaid agency all that money, whatever the
total comes out to for $400+ per day. The lawyer reports the results of
the arithmetic, total assets owned by the estate: the fifteen cents found
in the person's dresser drawer, and total debts to be paid by the estate:
half a million dollars or whatever owed to Medicaid. Then the
"heirs" are given the good news -- it look like you're off the
hook! It seeems that your homes won't be seized by the sheriff to pay
back all that money to Medicaid! Whew! So that's the best deal the system
can offer a person -- after mom and dad have scrimped and saved all their
lives in hopes of helping the grandchildren with an endowment for their
their college education, instead of the kids receiving any of that, all
the "heirs" get is the alleviation that they're off the hook.
Now, what's really going on here? I consider it a
conscious plan by the ruling class to make sure that most old people will
die broke. God forbid that working class families should be allowed to
inherit just a few dollars to help pay for the kids' schooling. What a
piece of crap system. Thanks for nothing, FDR.
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mikelepore
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Posted:
20 May 2008 05:36 pm Post subject:
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davesearles wrote:
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I don't know
if it was any particular issue that led to the resignations.
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I think the spark was when an article (1975?) in
the Official Organ of the SLP said that the "national liberation"
of Vietnam was fortunate because it helps the working class when global
empires are weakened. This conflicted with the traditional view that the
war in Vietnam was nothing but a reflection of a U.S. puppet regime in
the south and a Soviet puppet regime in the north and , so the two
possible outcomes of the war would be class rule of the first kind or
class rule of the second kind. With the publication of the first article
mentioning "national liberation", the old-timers in the party
went berserk. After that either the party press would retracts this error
or else the party is no longer De Leonist. The party didn't retract any
of it. A group of members left the party to form the De Leonist Society.
They published a periodical, The De Leonist Society Bulletin, pubished in
Toronto, which editorialized that the SLP had been captured by
reformists, that the SLP had rejected Marxism and De Leonism, that the
SLP was now indistinguishable from any liberal outfit, etc. Then the SLP
went through a last 1970s-early 1980s phase of opposing nuclear power
plants, the first leaflet on the subject of abortion, etc.. The De
Leonist Society interpreted all such issues as more data points, here the
SLP had dropped De Leonism as was now a reformist organization.
But Sam Brandon (then general secretary of the
Industrial Union Party, forerunner of Wally Petrovich's "People for
a New System" group) rejected their argument entirely. Sam called me
on the phone several times and we talked about it. For all of the disagreements
he had with the SLP, he never saw any reformism in the SLP's new trends.
When the De Leonist Society started wooing me, sending me tons of free
literature and asking me to write for their publication, Sam urged me to
beware of the dangerous De Leonist Society. He described them as
"the old Petersen clique that crippled the SLP through mass
expulsions."
I'm just trying to remember which individuals
resigned. I saw the writings of Aaron Orange and John Emanuel in the De
Leonist Society Bulletin, so that answers that. I also saw articles by
Alan Sanderson, who I believe used to be the national secretary of the
SLP of Canada. I saw articles by Herbert Steiner and George Shand, names
I didn't recognize. Did Bernie Reitzes stay in the SLP or quit? Do you
remember any more? If you think its too personal to mention names in a
public forum, you can answer me and then I can remove these messages from
the forum.
I corresponded with George Shand several times
around 1999. For a while their group in Canada thought that the Y2K
software bug was going to make industrial civilization collapse. I wrote
back to educate them about how, worst case, Y2K might mess up
calculations based on dates, such as mortgage amortization or utilty
billing, but that it wouldn't shut down production.
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davesearles
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Posted:
20 May 2008 11:56 pm Post subject:
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Mr. and Mrs. Bernie
Ruth and Aaron Orange
Whever it was who was state secretary and his wife
John Emanuel out in one meeting.
Concurrent with that the NEC out n Palo Alto had
approved without referring to Section NY a certain bunch of upstarts who
had simultaneously applied for membership, and gave them their own
section.
This was seen by NYC as an affront to their local
sovereignty - and I cannot say that it wasn't intended as such.
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mikelepore
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Posted:
21 May 2008 12:17 am Post subject:
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I also see the name Ernest Teichert in the De Leonist
Society Bulletin. I think I recall numerous people named Teichert in the
SLP, although I don't know what area, not from New York.
I guess Bernie didn't decided to become a writer --
I never saw his name in a byline.
Who else were the wise elders that we knew in
Section New York? I can't remember their names.
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davesearles
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Posted:
21 May 2008 03:30 am Post subject:
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The new york state secreatray and his wife were Louis
and Rose Derle that was just section New York. Don't know about the blow
by blow in Section Kings or the buch iovwer in Passaic.
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davesearles
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Posted:
21 May 2008 03:33 am Post subject:
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Medicare and Medicaid didn't come into existence until
the 1960s. I think the TV show, which I also saw, got it wrong. Probably
S.S. disability was what they were referring to.
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mikelepore
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Posted:
21 May 2008 08:13 am Post subject:
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Verily you say? I thought it was FDR who created
Medicare and Medicaid.
(But never mind me. I also thought the telephone
invented by Bell was installed in the phone booth invented by John Wilkes
Booth.)
Another name I see in the De Leonist Society
newsletter: John Timm, who was the editor of the Weekly People somewhere
around 1970.
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davesearles
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Posted:
21 May 2008 12:31 pm Post subject:
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Timm
quit when he couldn't take Nat Karp anymore.
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